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- Urban Segregation and the Welfare State: Inequality and Exclusion in Western - Google книги
- Urban Segregation And The Welfare State Inequality And Exclusion In Western Cities
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Comparing residential segregation between countries helps scholars to analyse the causes and consequences of segregation, and also helps them to suggest policy measures against segregation. Three questions will be in focus. Residential segregation implies the relatively strong presence of a specific group in some spatial units combined with a relatively low presence in others Massey and Denton In particular, the spatial segregation of non-European migrants is a topic of academic and policy debate in several countries across Europe. However, the levels of segregation and their specific spatial patterns are different across countries, as well as across cities and regions within countries.
These differences may be explained by the large variation in the size and composition of the non-European migrant population across countries, as well as by cross-national variety in structural conditions. For example, a recent comparative study identified globalisation, social inequalities, welfare regimes, housing systems and occupational structures as the main structural factors shaping socioeconomic segregation Tammaru et al. Making country comparisons is important since this makes it possible to discuss the influence of national policies on segregation patterns.
Urban Segregation and the Welfare State: Inequality and Exclusion in Western - Google книги
Although the countries we study are similar in terms of welfare policies, there are large differences in terms of the housing market, placement policies and in the composition of non-European migrants, which may be reflected in different spatial segregation patterns. Earlier comparative studies on residential segregation usually were carried out on the geographical level of cities or city regions.
However, some of the factors that previous studies identified as crucial for shaping spatial segregation-social inequality, namely welfare regimes and housing market policies Tammaru et al. Segregation is a phenomenon that is present wherever there is population and is thereby not limited to large metropolitan areas or big cities.
In fact, patterns of segregation are also visible in small towns and cities. Segregation can even exist between rural settlements. It is therefore interesting to compare differences in segregation patterns between different countries while focusing on urban, suburban and rural areas. One important finding in our study that focuses on conditions in is that segregation patterns at the lowest geographical scale are remarkably similar, almost identical in fact, across the four countries we study.
This is a finding that we have not seen reported before, and it points to a strong need to consider how such similar outcomes can result in different countries. At larger scales, we find that the level of segregation is markedly higher in Belgium compared to Denmark, Sweden, and the Netherlands. This points to the possibility that differences in policy are more important for large-scale patterns than for small-scale patterns of segregation.
Our analysis also shows that the proportion of the population that lives in migrant-dense neighbourhoods is higher in countries with a large non-European migrant population. This is not unexpected but underlines that segregation can become a greater challenge in such countries. On the other hand, in Sweden and the Netherlands, relatively high proportions of non-European migrants are also found in neighbourhoods dominated by natives and European-born persons, a pattern suggesting that policies that are in place in these two countries have had some success in preventing segregation.
Overall, the results we present show that using methods that ensure comparability and a multiscalar approach opens up possibilities for evaluating competing theories of segregation and assessing the impact of different policies.
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Several previous studies made cross-country comparisons of residential segregation. Some studies compared segregation in Europe to that in the USA. The overall conclusion of these studies is that segregation levels in Europe are more modest Friedrichs et al. Musterd and Ostendorf studied segregation in different Western cities, including Stockholm, Amsterdam and Brussels. They concluded that segregation is stronger in Brussels than in Amsterdam and Stockholm, but levels are low compared to the American and South African contexts they covered in their work.
A number of studies compared segregation across metropolitan regions in Europe. Musterd compared scores on the dissimilarity index DI for ethnic minorities between different European cities based on results published from the late s to the early s. His work showed that German cities, as well as Oslo and Vienna, have the lowest segregation levels DI , followed by Dutch cities with the exception of Rotterdam.
Belgian cities generally have higher segregation levels. In a later, similar study, Musterd and van Kempen again collected DI-scores from European cities for several years and stated that the dissimilarity indices were stable over time, and even decreased somewhat.
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In dualist systems, public housing is a restricted sector for low-income households, whereas social housing is competing on even terms with private renting in unitary rental systems Kemeny ; Skifter Andersen et al. In the literature, the availability of housing and the opportunities for different ethnic minority groups to gain access to housing has been mentioned as an important driver of ethnic segregation in both the USA South et al. One reason is that the social rented sector is not equally distributed across urban space Friedrichs et al.
This translates into ethnic segregation since non-Western migrants are over-represented in lower socioeconomic strata and groups with a low socioeconomic status are over-represented in the social rented sector. It also implies that ethnic segregation will overlap closely with socioeconomic segregation.
Skifter Andersen et al. They found that generally, the degree of ethnic segregation increases with the size of the immigrant population: the strongest segregation was found in Stockholm, with the largest immigrant population. A lack of local mixing of tenure types, however, also influenced the level of segregation. Still, there is no straightforward relationship between the housing system and the level of segregation. Ethnic segregation is stronger in a restricted social sector, but if housing policies guarantee a mixture of tenure in neighbourhoods, the level of segregation for the neighbourhood as a whole may be lower, as the example of Helsinki showed Skifter Andersen et al.
Avoidance or flight by natives also influences the degree of segregation. In the European context, some evidence of a higher likelihood for natives to leave migrant-dense neighbourhoods was found for the UK van Ham and Manley , Denmark and Sweden Skifter Andersen et al. Examples of constraints that lead to the concentration of migrant groups in certain neighbourhoods are restrictive housing allocation systems and welfare state mechanisms Musterd and van Kempen ; van Ham and Manley These previous studies lead us to expect differences in segregation patterns between Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden essentially depending on how factors such as the housing market, the welfare state and spatial planning are arranged in each national context.
Regarding the welfare state system, Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands fall into a social-democratic welfare cluster, whereas Belgium can be characterised as a corporatist welfare state Arbaci This is also reflected in the housing market structure. Belgium has a dualist rental system with a limited social rental sector that accounts for only 6.
Although the Netherlands, Sweden and Denmark have unitary rental systems with a large stock of public housing, there are still considerable differences between the four housing markets. The Dutch social rented sector is considered attractive because of the large proportion of single-family housing and the often good state of dwellings. Although units are generally allocated to low-income households, tenants cannot be evicted when their income increases.
As a result, the tenants are mixed in terms of income Bolt et al. In recent years, however, urban policies have sought to reduce the stock of social rented dwellings Savini et al.
The large and diverse Dutch social rented sector explains why segregation levels in Dutch cities are much more modest compared to cities in the UK Murie and Musterd , where the social rented sector is smaller and spatially more concentrated. Kesteloot and Cortie compared ethnic segregation in Amsterdam and Brussels for Turkish and Moroccan migrants and concluded that these groups are more strongly segregated in Brussels.
Due to the small social rented sector in Brussels and their generally lower incomes, Turkish and Moroccan migrants in Belgium depend on the private residual rented sector, which is mainly found in a restricted number of working-class neighbourhoods. Another factor influencing segregation patterns is differing policies that regulate the number of people entering the country, when they can enter, who can enter, where they can settle, and the kind of support offered to immigrants living in the country.
Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands have had policies seeking the dispersal of refugee populations Andersson ; Robinson et al.
Concerning the number of entering non-European migrants, before , Denmark was renowned for its low levels of immigration, whereas Sweden, the Netherlands and Belgium had accepted larger numbers. In earlier studies, Scandinavian countries together with the Netherlands were portrayed as similar concerning the organisation of housing van der Wusten and Musterd In terms of welfare systems, Denmark and Sweden are considered as belonging to the social-democratic model, whereas Netherlands and Belgium have been classified as hybrids between the conservative and social-democratic model Kammer et al.
This welfare state classification, thus, to some extent points to similarities rather than differences between the countries in our study. Over the past two decades, an increasing number of studies have addressed how residential segregation relates to spatial scale.
Urban Segregation And The Welfare State Inequality And Exclusion In Western Cities
In relation to the scale-dependent nature of segregation effects, they observed that:. When either income or ethnic status differences are very pronounced, exclusion is supposed to follow. In the case of segregation, opinions are more divided. It depends on the spatial scales involved: the larger the units, the higher the probability of exclusion. A major reason why this seems convincing is the provision of a self-sufficient environment within larger units with no incentives to use urban space at large van der Wusten and Musterd , p.
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Similar conclusions were drawn by Musterd , whose study compared levels of ethnic segregation across metropolitan areas in different European countries and acknowledged both conceptual issues and problems related to the scale of measurement and time points in measurement. MAUP prevents reliable comparisons of segregation levels and patterns between areas of different sizes, as well as between different countries, while ideally, comparative studies use uniform units of measurement Musterd Thus far, most studies on residential segregation have focused on patterns in metropolitan areas and have used administrative neighbourhoods and statistical census tracts units for segregation measurement.
Krupka argued that the often found relationship between high segregation levels and large city size is spurious and caused by differences in neighbourhood size between larger cities and smaller towns. Census tracts in metropolitan areas generally consist of a single neighbourhood, while neighbourhoods in smaller towns have fewer inhabitants and must be combined in order to fill a census tract of comparable size. Krupka measured segregation at different spatial scales and found that using smaller areas of analysis diminished the differences between large cities and small ones.
The plea for multiscalar measurements of segregation has intensified over the past few years. Single scalar measurements may also ignore the fact that smaller units are embedded in larger spatial contexts. Within larger entities with low or moderate segregation levels, strong concentrations may exist at smaller spatial scales, or vice versa. Focusing on only one spatial scale may overlook specific ethnic concentrations Fowler Furthermore, fixed borders may lead to over- or underestimations of very specific concentrations that occur at the border of two administrative or statistical districts Clark et al.
The increased availability of geo-coded individual data offers opportunities for solving boundary and scale issues by constructing scalable individualised neighbourhoods. The resulting sample of individuals is then used to compute aggregate statistics, such as the share of people within a buffer belonging to a certain migrant group Clark et al. Since the distance radius or the number of nearest neighbours within the buffer can vary, individualised neighbourhoods of different sizes seen from the same location can be studied, enabling the analysis of residential segregation from a multiscalar perspective.
Scale can be of importance both with respect to concentration and representation. If there is a high concentration of non-European migrants at small neighbourhood scales for example, among the nearest neighbours but not on a larger scale for example among the or 10, nearest neighbours , this can, as suggested by van der Wusten and Musterd , have consequences for the way people living in the neighbourhood interact with different groups.
Swedish studies using multiscalar measures of neighbourhood contexts suggest that this reasoning is valid. Large-scale elite environments and large-scale deprived areas tend to have a more pronounced effect on individual-level outcomes compared to small-scale contexts Andersson and Malmberg , A similar argument can be made with respect to the representation of non-European migrants. Certainly, high levels of small-scale, under- and over-representation of non-European migrants are problematic from a social cohesion perspective since they can signal a principle of separateness on the part of the native population and may also reflect a negative attitude towards mixing in the local area.
Still, if the under- and over-representation of non-European migrants at higher scale levels is less strong, this can signal preparedness for sharing a broader urban environment with groups of different origins. Strong under- and over-representation at larger scales, for example, among the nearest 50, neighbours, could make under-represented groups feel unwelcome. Living in an area where large-scale under-representation is strong also implies that there is little opportunity, even by moving outside your immediate neighbourhood, of getting to know the under-represented group.
The empirical analysis of this paper focuses on non-European migrants, that is, foreign-born individuals with a country of birth outside Europe defined as consisting of the 28 European Union member states plus the four EFTA countries, Norway, Switzerland, Iceland and Liechtenstein. It is important to realise that this definition implies that we study only first-generation immigrants and not their descendants.
In all the countries, data on country of birth are from population registers the central population register in Denmark, the national register of natural persons in Belgium, municipal population registers in the Netherlands, and the total population register in Sweden. In Denmark, Belgium, and the Netherlands, residential coordinates for individuals in the population registers were obtained by matching addresses in the population registers with addresses in building or land registers Den Offentlige Informationsserver [OIS] in Denmark, Land Registry of the General Administration of Patrimonial Documentation in Belgium, Basisregistratie Adressen en Gebouwen in the Netherlands.
In Sweden, permanent residents are registered to specific real estate properties and residential coordinates were obtained by matching with the land registry on the basis of the property registration numbers. For all four countries, data from were used. In Sweden, the individual geo-coded data were made available to researchers through an online database created for the Department of Human Geography by Statistics Sweden Geostar.
In Belgium, the linkage between the population register and the geo-coordinates is administered as a part of the register-based census.